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Saturday, December 1, 2012
Novelist Gong to fast in support of Moon
Novelist Gong to fast in support of Moon
By Jun Ji-hye
The popular novelist is the latest in a series of literary figures who have thrown their weight behind Moon of the Democratic United Party’s (DUP) in an effort to stop the ruling Saenuri Party’s Park Geun-hye winning the Dec. 19 election. Best-selling novelist Gong, who has an influential presence on Twitter with more than 500,000 followers, posted on the site that she will remain on hunger strike from Dec. 1 to 12. “As a citizen who sincerely wants regime change and as a member of the mentoring group for the Moon camp, I wanted to make a contribution to the task,” she said. “But I had to reject a request for me to deliver a speech or attend stumping tours because I am afraid of appearing in front of many people due to my personality. Rather, I decided to fast and pray from Dec. 1 to 12.” Also known for her active participation in social activities, the author said that working people will have a harder time if the ruling party regains power. “Among Catholics, fasting and prayer are said to have a great effect. I believe there will be an answer to my prayers,” she said. “I will make a public appearance when citizens celebrate the victory of democracy.” Gong will stop all activities during her fasting and prayer but said she will continue to post on Twitter. Regarding the writer’s decision, poet Ahn Do-hyun, co-chairman of the DUP election committee said, “The Moon camp respects her decision and feels a huge responsibility. We will do our utmost to bring in the much-anticipated power change. We won’t make her praying futile.” Prior to this, Ahn, also a professor of creative writing at Woosuk University, claimed during a radio appearance on Thursday that people need to think carefully about why Park’s parents, late President Park Chung-hee and wife Yook Young-soo were assasinated. The remarks came a few days after renowned poet Kim Ji-ha declared his support for Park. When Kim publicly stated his endorsement for the Saenuri Party candidate he said, “Park is different from ordinary people because she endured a period of tragedy over the last 18 years after her father was assassinated in 1979, five years after her mother was killed by a North Korean sympathizer.” Regarding Kim’s comments, Ahn said, “Late President Park ruled for almost 20 years in this divided country. Also, the prolonged one-man rule resulted in a lame-duck presidency. Kim missed the point that it was the late Park who created such circumstances.” |
Friday, November 30, 2012
[Editorial] Prosecution in crisis
Published : 2012-11-30 19:54
Updated : 2012-11-30 19:54
Updated : 2012-11-30 19:54
The prosecution, whose reputation has recently been smeared by bribery and sex scandals involving prosecutors, had intended to announce a sweeping reform Friday. But the plan was shelved indefinitely, as Prosecutor-General Han Sang-dae, whose leadership was challenged by his subordinates, cancelled it and resigned from his post.
The source of the conflict was a key item of the prosecutor-general’s reform plan ― the proposal to abolish the Central Investigation Department in the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office, which has often been denounced for biased inquiries into politically sensitive cases.
Upon learning about the prosecutor-general’s decision, the department chief Choi Jae-kyung revolted. In response, the prosecutor-general took thinly veiled disciplinary action, ordering his auditors to start an inquiry into an allegation that Choi offered his advice on media relations to a prosecutor who had been arrested on charges of bribery.
The prosecution had already been shaken to the roots by an allegation that a prosecutor had taken hundreds of millions of won from the operator of a pyramid scheme and a mid-level business group. The bribery case was followed by another scandal, this time an allegation that a junior prosecutor performed sexual acts with a criminal suspect in his office as well as at other locations.
No less scandalous was an attempt by a prosecutor to deceive the public. In a statement posted on the prosecution’s intranet, he demanded sweeping reform, proposing a wide range of measures to regain public trust.
But in a message he had intended to send to a fellow prosecutor, he proposed making noise about petty reforms for a public relations effect, so that the prosecutor-general could pretend that he took the plunge and accepted some of the proposals. But the message was made public when it was mistakenly sent to a journalist, provoking a furious reaction from the public. The message bolstered long-held suspicions that the prosecution often sacrificed the public interest in favor of that of powerful figures.
For his part, the prosecutor-general lost the moral high ground when he reportedly turned down a request from a prosecutor to demand seven years in prison for Chey Tae-won, chairman of SK Group, who was charged with embezzling 60 billion won ($55 million). Instead, he reportedly ordered him to demand four years for him in court. The prosecutor-general and the SK chairman, who are university alumni, are reportedly close enough to play tennis together occasionally.
Against this backdrop, many senior prosecutors sided with the chief of the Central Investigation Department in demanding that Han resign from his post. In reply, Han said Thursday that he would tender a letter of resignation in what he called a way of confirming whether or not President Lee Myung-bak maintained confidence in him.
President Lee made no comment on Han’s offer to resign. Instead, he told the justice minister to settle the dispute. But what would the president’s trust be for if Han lost the confidence of his own subordinates in an organization that prides itself on loyalty and discipline? Lee accepted his resignation Friday.
As proven by the latest developments, the prosecution has no capacity for self-reform. It needs to place itself under the scalpel of outsiders if it is to be reformed as a trustworthy law-enforcement agency. With reform held at bay, the prosecution has been abusing its near exclusive power to file charges against criminal suspects.
A case in point was its investigation into an allegation that the law was breached when plots of land were purchased for Lee’s retirement home and the office for his security officers last year. The prosecution didn’t file charges against anyone involved in the case. But an independent counsel, which had recently reopened the case, brought three security officers to stand trial.
The prosecution’s leadership crisis has come at a time when major presidential candidates, in response to demands from the public and civic groups, have pledged to rein in the agency. Among their proposals is the creation of a new agency empowered to conduct criminal investigations into cases involving the first family, lawmakers, cabinet members and judges as well as prosecutors. They also include the prosecution sharing investigative power with the police.
The electorate has few better chances to demand a reform. The prosecution needs a drastic one because, as the adage goes, absolute power corrupts absolutely.
The source of the conflict was a key item of the prosecutor-general’s reform plan ― the proposal to abolish the Central Investigation Department in the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office, which has often been denounced for biased inquiries into politically sensitive cases.
Upon learning about the prosecutor-general’s decision, the department chief Choi Jae-kyung revolted. In response, the prosecutor-general took thinly veiled disciplinary action, ordering his auditors to start an inquiry into an allegation that Choi offered his advice on media relations to a prosecutor who had been arrested on charges of bribery.
The prosecution had already been shaken to the roots by an allegation that a prosecutor had taken hundreds of millions of won from the operator of a pyramid scheme and a mid-level business group. The bribery case was followed by another scandal, this time an allegation that a junior prosecutor performed sexual acts with a criminal suspect in his office as well as at other locations.
No less scandalous was an attempt by a prosecutor to deceive the public. In a statement posted on the prosecution’s intranet, he demanded sweeping reform, proposing a wide range of measures to regain public trust.
But in a message he had intended to send to a fellow prosecutor, he proposed making noise about petty reforms for a public relations effect, so that the prosecutor-general could pretend that he took the plunge and accepted some of the proposals. But the message was made public when it was mistakenly sent to a journalist, provoking a furious reaction from the public. The message bolstered long-held suspicions that the prosecution often sacrificed the public interest in favor of that of powerful figures.
For his part, the prosecutor-general lost the moral high ground when he reportedly turned down a request from a prosecutor to demand seven years in prison for Chey Tae-won, chairman of SK Group, who was charged with embezzling 60 billion won ($55 million). Instead, he reportedly ordered him to demand four years for him in court. The prosecutor-general and the SK chairman, who are university alumni, are reportedly close enough to play tennis together occasionally.
Against this backdrop, many senior prosecutors sided with the chief of the Central Investigation Department in demanding that Han resign from his post. In reply, Han said Thursday that he would tender a letter of resignation in what he called a way of confirming whether or not President Lee Myung-bak maintained confidence in him.
President Lee made no comment on Han’s offer to resign. Instead, he told the justice minister to settle the dispute. But what would the president’s trust be for if Han lost the confidence of his own subordinates in an organization that prides itself on loyalty and discipline? Lee accepted his resignation Friday.
As proven by the latest developments, the prosecution has no capacity for self-reform. It needs to place itself under the scalpel of outsiders if it is to be reformed as a trustworthy law-enforcement agency. With reform held at bay, the prosecution has been abusing its near exclusive power to file charges against criminal suspects.
A case in point was its investigation into an allegation that the law was breached when plots of land were purchased for Lee’s retirement home and the office for his security officers last year. The prosecution didn’t file charges against anyone involved in the case. But an independent counsel, which had recently reopened the case, brought three security officers to stand trial.
The prosecution’s leadership crisis has come at a time when major presidential candidates, in response to demands from the public and civic groups, have pledged to rein in the agency. Among their proposals is the creation of a new agency empowered to conduct criminal investigations into cases involving the first family, lawmakers, cabinet members and judges as well as prosecutors. They also include the prosecution sharing investigative power with the police.
The electorate has few better chances to demand a reform. The prosecution needs a drastic one because, as the adage goes, absolute power corrupts absolutely.
World won't end Dec. 21, Maya experts insist
World won't end Dec. 21, Maya experts insist
As tourists book hotels rooms in Mexico’s Maya Riviera and Guatemalan resorts ahead of next month’s fateful date, experts are busy debunking the doomsday myth. The apocalyptic prophecy that has inspired authors and filmmakers never appears in the tall T-shaped stone calendar that was carved by the Maya around the year 669 in southeastern Mexico. In reality, the stone recounts the life and battles of a ruler from that era, experts say. Plus, the last date on the calendar is actually December 23, 2012, not the 21st, and it merely marks the end of a cycle. So no need to build giant arks, because the terrible floods, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions depicted in the Hollywood blockbuster ‘2012’ were not prophesied by the Mayas. ‘The Mayas had a cyclical idea of time. They were not preoccupied with the end of the world,’ Mexican archeologist Jose Romero told AFP. The stone, known as Monument 6, was located in El Tortuguero, an archeological site that was discovered in 1915. Broken in six pieces, the different fragments are exhibited in US and Mexican museums, including Tabasco’s Carlos Pellicer Camara Anthropology Museum and New York’s Metropolitan Museum. The first study on the stone was published by a German researcher in 1978. Since then, various archeologists have examined its significance and agree that it refers to the December 23 date. ‘The last inscription refers to December 23, 2012, but the central theme of Monument 6 is not the date, it’s not the prophecies or the end of the world. It’s the story of (then ruler) Bahlam Ajaw,’ Romero said. The final date represents the end of a cycle in the Mayan long count calendar that began in the year 3114 before Christ. It is the completion of 13 baak t’uunes, a unit of time equivalent to 144,000 days. ‘It is not the end of the Mayan long count calendar, which is endless. It’s the beginning of a new cycle, that’s all,’ said Mexican historian Erick Velasquez. Though the Maya made prophecies, they looked at events in the near future and were related to day-to-day concerns like rain, droughts, or harvests. The belief that the calendar foresees the end of the world comes from Judeo-Christian interpretations, the experts said. Velasquez warned against giving too much weight to Monument 6, noting that it is just one of more than 5,000 stones from the Mayan culture that have been studied. The Earth still has a few years left, even in eyes of the ancient Maya: Some stones refer to the year 7000. (AFP) |
Korea 19th best country for child to be born
Korea 19th best country for child to be born
By Kim Bo-eun
Switzerland is the best country for a child to be born in 2013, while Korea ranked 19th, according to the weekly news publication The Economist.
Its affiliated Economist Intelligence Unit gave a measurement of the quality of life in 80 countries around the world based on health, wealth and trust in public institutions.
While Switzerland ranked number one, it is followed by Australia and three Scandinavian countries Norway, Sweden and Denmark.
Among the Asian countries, Singapore scored the highest, taking sixth place. It is followed by Hong Kong (10th), Taiwan (14th), South Korea (19th), Japan (25th) and China (49th).
Geographical and environmental factors, social and cultural characteristics, life expectancy and divorce rates were among the 11 factors that were measured. The index determined the rank of each country according to its score on how well-off people born in 2013 would be in 2031, when they reach adulthood.
The index links the results of subjective life-satisfaction surveys — personal perceptions of happiness — to objective determinants of the quality of life across countries.
One of the most important factors is being wealthy but other factors also come into play including crime rates, trust in public institutions and the health of family life.
The United States topped the list of 50 countries in 1988 but has not achieved the top spot since.
Small economies fared well on the measurement with Australia, the Netherlands and New Zealand coming in the top 10.
Half of the countries in the top 10 were European, but the Netherlands was the only member of the European Union.
The largest economies in Europe including Germany, France and the United Kingdom did not show particularly favorable living conditions.
Newly emerging economies such as Brazil, Russia, India and China also tended to be on the bottom half of the list.
The last country on the list was Nigeria. North Korea was not included in the study.
|
Ahn to disband campaign body on Dec. 3
Ahn to disband campaign body on Dec. 3
Former presidential candidate Ahn Cheol-soo’s election campaign headquarters will be disbanded in a ceremony on Dec. 3, with the software millionaire-turned-politician expected to be present. The ceremony will take place at the camp’s office in Gongpyeong-dong, downtown Seoul. “He is expected to appear and have time to speak,” Yoo Min-young, Ahn’s spokesman said Thursday without going into details. Independent Ahn abruptly pulled out of the presidential race on Nov. 23 amid disharmony with Moon Jae-in of the Democratic United Party (DUP) in talks to merge their candidacies. His appearance will draw attention over whether he will express his intention to support Moon. Ahn reportedly had a break in a provincial region and only returned briefly to speak to his senior aides Wednesday. During that meeting, he said his future actions will be decided by the wishes of the people who supported him. He did not say, however, if he was going to support the DUP standard bearer. Moon and the DUP are trying to woo support from Ahn, saying “his help will be appreciated.” |
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Wednesday, November 28, 2012
U.S.-EU counterfeit crackdown seizes 132 websites
WASHINGTON (AFP) ― U.S. and European authorities said Monday they seized 132 websites in a transatlantic law enforcement crackdown on online sellers of counterfeit merchandise.
The seizure was the latest in a string of efforts by U.S. officials to shut down online forgers, but the first joint effort with EU officials.
Monday’s announcement was the result of a joint probe by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) with authorities from Britain, Belgium, Denmark, France, Romania and the European Police Office, according to a statement released in Washington.
ICE Director John Morton said the sites were selling a wide range of illegally copied products including Nike apparel, Ergobaby carriers and Hermes luxury goods, “all of it fake, all of its substandard quality.”
“These websites were stealing from legitimate websites and copyright holders and the people who make these products,” Morton told a conference call.
Morton said the operation coincided with “Cyber Monday,” a major online shopping day following the Thanksgiving Day holiday in the United States.
“This operation is a great example of the tremendous cooperation between ICE and our international partners,” said Morton.
“It’s a huge problem not only for U.S. industry, but for legitimate industries in Europe and Asia and elsewhere. Just think of all the jobs that are lost, think of all the tax revenues that are lost.”
Among the brands being counterfeited were McAfee, Symantec, Armani, Guess, Burberry, Chanel, Gucci, Lacoste, Dior, Tommy Hilfiger, Versace, YSL and Michael Kors, officials said.
The domains seized were not only .com websites, but those ending in .eu, .be, .dk, .fr, .ro and .uk.
The netted domain names are now in the custody of the governments, which have placed banners notifying visitors of the seizure.
Rob Wainwright, director of Europol, said in the statement that the counterfeiting “is not a harmless and victimless crime. It can cause serious health and safety risks and it undermines our economy.”
U.S. officials have been using this procedure for several years in anti-counterfeiting operations, but rights groups including the American Civil Liberties Union have complained that the actions amount to unconstitutional seizures without due process.
In August, three members of Congress sent a letter to federal officials questioning the seizure process.
“If a website’s domain is seized, it needs to be given meaningful due process that comports with the U.S. constitution and U.S. law,” said a letter from Representatives Zoe Lofgren, Jared Polis and Jason Chaffetz to the departments of Justice and Homeland Security.
“To do otherwise risks unjustly suppressing lawful free speech and devastating legitimate businesses.”
The latest seizure brought the number of websites seized since 2010 to 1,630, according to ICE.
In addition to the domain name seizures, officials said they were seeking to seize $175,000 in PayPal accounts utilized by the infringing websites in the latest operation.
Officials said the latest operation, part of a project called Operation In Our Sites seized 101 websites and yielded one arrest in the United States. In Europe, according to the statement, 31 domain names were seized.
The seizure was the latest in a string of efforts by U.S. officials to shut down online forgers, but the first joint effort with EU officials.
Monday’s announcement was the result of a joint probe by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) with authorities from Britain, Belgium, Denmark, France, Romania and the European Police Office, according to a statement released in Washington.
ICE Director John Morton said the sites were selling a wide range of illegally copied products including Nike apparel, Ergobaby carriers and Hermes luxury goods, “all of it fake, all of its substandard quality.”
“These websites were stealing from legitimate websites and copyright holders and the people who make these products,” Morton told a conference call.
Morton said the operation coincided with “Cyber Monday,” a major online shopping day following the Thanksgiving Day holiday in the United States.
“This operation is a great example of the tremendous cooperation between ICE and our international partners,” said Morton.
“It’s a huge problem not only for U.S. industry, but for legitimate industries in Europe and Asia and elsewhere. Just think of all the jobs that are lost, think of all the tax revenues that are lost.”
Among the brands being counterfeited were McAfee, Symantec, Armani, Guess, Burberry, Chanel, Gucci, Lacoste, Dior, Tommy Hilfiger, Versace, YSL and Michael Kors, officials said.
The domains seized were not only .com websites, but those ending in .eu, .be, .dk, .fr, .ro and .uk.
The netted domain names are now in the custody of the governments, which have placed banners notifying visitors of the seizure.
Rob Wainwright, director of Europol, said in the statement that the counterfeiting “is not a harmless and victimless crime. It can cause serious health and safety risks and it undermines our economy.”
U.S. officials have been using this procedure for several years in anti-counterfeiting operations, but rights groups including the American Civil Liberties Union have complained that the actions amount to unconstitutional seizures without due process.
In August, three members of Congress sent a letter to federal officials questioning the seizure process.
“If a website’s domain is seized, it needs to be given meaningful due process that comports with the U.S. constitution and U.S. law,” said a letter from Representatives Zoe Lofgren, Jared Polis and Jason Chaffetz to the departments of Justice and Homeland Security.
“To do otherwise risks unjustly suppressing lawful free speech and devastating legitimate businesses.”
The latest seizure brought the number of websites seized since 2010 to 1,630, according to ICE.
In addition to the domain name seizures, officials said they were seeking to seize $175,000 in PayPal accounts utilized by the infringing websites in the latest operation.
Officials said the latest operation, part of a project called Operation In Our Sites seized 101 websites and yielded one arrest in the United States. In Europe, according to the statement, 31 domain names were seized.
Arafat grave dug up for probe of poison suspicion
RAMALLAH, West Bank (AP) ― Eight years after Yasser Arafat’s mysterious death, his political heirs opened his grave Tuesday and let forensics experts take samples from his remains, defying strong cultural taboos in search of evidence that the icon of Palestinian nationalism was poisoned.
Palestinians have claimed for years that Israel poisoned Arafat, who died in a French hospital. Israel has denied the charges.
The exhumation marked the end of months of procedural wrangling but only the beginning of the testing. Palestinian officials said it would take at least three months to get results, and even then, they might not be conclusive.
Workers opened Arafat’s tomb before daybreak Tuesday, laying bare the remains some four meters below ground level, the Palestinian health minister said. A Palestinian forensics examiner took some 20 samples and handed them to Swiss, French and Russian experts, officials said.
Huge sheets of blue tarpaulin draped over Arafat’s mausoleum hid the scene from view, part of an attempt by Palestinian officials to minimize any potential backlash against digging up the grave of Arafat, still widely revered in the Palestinian territories.
By midmorning, the grave was resealed, and Palestinian officials laid wreaths of flowers to signal Arafat’s reburial.
The three teams will separately analyze the samples for possible poison, including polonium-210, a lethal radioactive substance first detected in elevated amounts on some of Arafat’s clothing this summer.
Polonium disintegrates rapidly, and experts have cautioned that too much time may have passed since Arafat’s death to reach a conclusive result.
Polonium was used in the 2006 killing of Alexander Litvinenko, a former KGB officer turned Russian government critic. Litvinenko blamed the Kremlin for poisoning him.
Israel has denied killing Arafat, but many Palestinians believe Israel’s then-prime minister, Arafat nemesis Ariel Sharon, had means, motive and opportunity.
Former Sharon spokesman Raanan Gissin said Tuesday that such allegations are baseless and that Israel “had no reason” to kill Arafat, who in his final years lived under Israeli military siege in his walled West Bank compound.
Palestinians launched an investigation immediately after Arafat’s death at a French military hospital but made no progress. The dormant probe got a jolt this summer when a Swiss lab found the polonium on Arafat belongings provided by his widow, Suha.
The initial discovery, part of an investigation by the Arab satellite TV station Al-Jazeera, was followed by wrangling between Mrs. Arafat, other relatives and Arafat’s successor, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. Mrs. Arafat wanted a quick exhumation, Abbas initially hesitated and Arafat nephew Nasser al-Kidwa said he opposed digging up the remains.
In the end, Abbas could not be seen as blocking a thorough investigation and, armed with blessings from Muslim religious leaders, authorized the exhumation.
Abbas was en route to the United Nations on Tuesday, giving him some distance from the proceedings right outside his office window.
Three different teams were present when the grave was opened Tuesday: one from the Swiss lab, one from France, where an official death inquiry was launched at the request of the widow, and one from Russia, responding to a call for help by Abbas.
Palestinian Health Minister Hani Abdeen told a news conference Tuesday that the remains were four meters below the ground.
Mrs. Arafat, estranged from most of the Palestinian leadership, followed the exhumation from her home in Malta, according to a local newspaper. Mrs. Arafat, who did not consent to an autopsy immediately after her husband’s death, told The Times of Malta that her husband’s death was the “most important mystery in the Middle East.”
Arafat died a month after falling ill at his West Bank compound. The immediate cause of death was a stroke, but the underlying reasons remain unclear, leading to widespread belief in the Arab world that Israel poisoned him.
Medical files released by Palestinian investigators earlier this year portrayed Arafat as a robust 75-year-old whose sudden health crisis was initially blamed on viral gastroenteritis.
Arafat’s downward spiral began Oct. 11, 2004, when he vomited after a late supper. His condition deteriorated and two weeks later he was flown to France where he died Nov. 11, 2004.
Dr. Bashir Abdullah, a physician on the Palestinian team of investigators, said Tuesday that Arafat’s death “cannot be explained in the framework of disease, and therefore our explanation is that there must have been poisonous material.”
Palestinian officials acknowledged Tuesday that they had a long road ahead and that the investigation could hit a dead end.
Tawfik Tirawi, the head of the Palestinian team, said the Palestinians would ask the International Criminal Court to investigate further if there is evidence of poisoning.
Later this week, Abbas is seeking U.N. recognition of “Palestine” as a non-member observer state, an upgrade that could give Palestinians access to the ICC.
Tirawi said previous calls by some high-ranking Israeli officials to get rid of Arafat were an indication that Israel was involved, adding, “we are looking for the evidence.”
Former Sharon aides have argued that Israel had no reason to kill Arafat since it had already pushed him aside by confining him to his compound.
For decades, Arafat was the symbol of the Palestinians’ struggle for an independent state.
After returning from exile to the Palestinian territories in 1994, as part of interim peace deals with Israel, he zigzagged between leading negotiations with Israel and condoning violence.
Arafat, along with two Israeli leaders, received the Nobel Peace Prize for his commitment to work toward peace with Israel.
Palestinians have claimed for years that Israel poisoned Arafat, who died in a French hospital. Israel has denied the charges.
The exhumation marked the end of months of procedural wrangling but only the beginning of the testing. Palestinian officials said it would take at least three months to get results, and even then, they might not be conclusive.
Workers opened Arafat’s tomb before daybreak Tuesday, laying bare the remains some four meters below ground level, the Palestinian health minister said. A Palestinian forensics examiner took some 20 samples and handed them to Swiss, French and Russian experts, officials said.
Huge sheets of blue tarpaulin draped over Arafat’s mausoleum hid the scene from view, part of an attempt by Palestinian officials to minimize any potential backlash against digging up the grave of Arafat, still widely revered in the Palestinian territories.
By midmorning, the grave was resealed, and Palestinian officials laid wreaths of flowers to signal Arafat’s reburial.
The three teams will separately analyze the samples for possible poison, including polonium-210, a lethal radioactive substance first detected in elevated amounts on some of Arafat’s clothing this summer.
 |
| A Palestinian man smokes a water pipe next to a mural of late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, in the West Bank town of Jenin, Tuesday. (AP-Yonhap News) |
Polonium disintegrates rapidly, and experts have cautioned that too much time may have passed since Arafat’s death to reach a conclusive result.
Polonium was used in the 2006 killing of Alexander Litvinenko, a former KGB officer turned Russian government critic. Litvinenko blamed the Kremlin for poisoning him.
Israel has denied killing Arafat, but many Palestinians believe Israel’s then-prime minister, Arafat nemesis Ariel Sharon, had means, motive and opportunity.
Former Sharon spokesman Raanan Gissin said Tuesday that such allegations are baseless and that Israel “had no reason” to kill Arafat, who in his final years lived under Israeli military siege in his walled West Bank compound.
Palestinians launched an investigation immediately after Arafat’s death at a French military hospital but made no progress. The dormant probe got a jolt this summer when a Swiss lab found the polonium on Arafat belongings provided by his widow, Suha.
The initial discovery, part of an investigation by the Arab satellite TV station Al-Jazeera, was followed by wrangling between Mrs. Arafat, other relatives and Arafat’s successor, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. Mrs. Arafat wanted a quick exhumation, Abbas initially hesitated and Arafat nephew Nasser al-Kidwa said he opposed digging up the remains.
In the end, Abbas could not be seen as blocking a thorough investigation and, armed with blessings from Muslim religious leaders, authorized the exhumation.
Abbas was en route to the United Nations on Tuesday, giving him some distance from the proceedings right outside his office window.
Three different teams were present when the grave was opened Tuesday: one from the Swiss lab, one from France, where an official death inquiry was launched at the request of the widow, and one from Russia, responding to a call for help by Abbas.
Palestinian Health Minister Hani Abdeen told a news conference Tuesday that the remains were four meters below the ground.
Mrs. Arafat, estranged from most of the Palestinian leadership, followed the exhumation from her home in Malta, according to a local newspaper. Mrs. Arafat, who did not consent to an autopsy immediately after her husband’s death, told The Times of Malta that her husband’s death was the “most important mystery in the Middle East.”
Arafat died a month after falling ill at his West Bank compound. The immediate cause of death was a stroke, but the underlying reasons remain unclear, leading to widespread belief in the Arab world that Israel poisoned him.
Medical files released by Palestinian investigators earlier this year portrayed Arafat as a robust 75-year-old whose sudden health crisis was initially blamed on viral gastroenteritis.
Arafat’s downward spiral began Oct. 11, 2004, when he vomited after a late supper. His condition deteriorated and two weeks later he was flown to France where he died Nov. 11, 2004.
Dr. Bashir Abdullah, a physician on the Palestinian team of investigators, said Tuesday that Arafat’s death “cannot be explained in the framework of disease, and therefore our explanation is that there must have been poisonous material.”
Palestinian officials acknowledged Tuesday that they had a long road ahead and that the investigation could hit a dead end.
Tawfik Tirawi, the head of the Palestinian team, said the Palestinians would ask the International Criminal Court to investigate further if there is evidence of poisoning.
Later this week, Abbas is seeking U.N. recognition of “Palestine” as a non-member observer state, an upgrade that could give Palestinians access to the ICC.
Tirawi said previous calls by some high-ranking Israeli officials to get rid of Arafat were an indication that Israel was involved, adding, “we are looking for the evidence.”
Former Sharon aides have argued that Israel had no reason to kill Arafat since it had already pushed him aside by confining him to his compound.
For decades, Arafat was the symbol of the Palestinians’ struggle for an independent state.
After returning from exile to the Palestinian territories in 1994, as part of interim peace deals with Israel, he zigzagged between leading negotiations with Israel and condoning violence.
Arafat, along with two Israeli leaders, received the Nobel Peace Prize for his commitment to work toward peace with Israel.
Park fails to impress voters at 'solo' debate
Park fails to impress voters at 'solo' debate
The ruling Saenuri party presidential hopeful Park Geun-hye failed to impress voters Monday night during a 70-minute talk show her campaign officials attempted to sell as a “debate.” During her television appearance, the conservative candidate squandered a valuable opportunity by taking advantage of panelists, the host and the format, which were selected and orchestrated by her party, offering abstract answers to questions that needed specific responses. It’s questionable as to why her party wanted to refer to the program as a debate in the first place. The word ``debate’’ is defined as: “a discussion about a subject on which people have different views,” according to the Collins Cobuild Advanced Dictionary. Park’s appearance was more like a solo concert minus the music. Nevertheless, good questions were brought up covering important issues such as the rising unemployment rate, mounting household debt and ridiculously expensive college tuition fees, which have dominated political discourse for a number of years. But her answers were unsatisfactory and incomplete. For example, when one of the panelists asked Park about her job creation plans, Park said she would create organizations that would provide mentors to help job-seekers polish their practical skills, leaving the panelists confused. She showed she is either without a solution to the problem or she doesn’t know what “job creation” means. Either way, it is worrisome. Moreover, when asked about the national predicament of ever-mounting expenditure on private education, Park just threw out abstract solutions such as saying she would “reinforce the public education” and “revolutionize textbooks” to tackle the issue, regurgitating old promises made by former presidents who failed to fulfill them. Her answer also indicated that she doesn’t understand that the problem lies within the ruthlessly competitive nature of society not in the inferior quality of textbooks. Every time she was asked a question, Park spent much more time explaining why benefits were needed instead of articulating how she would provide those benefits without seriously damaging the government’s finances. As a result, as the forum proceeded, more questions concerning raising the necessary money were made as she emphasized that her plans would barely burden taxpayers. The panelists, including professors Seo Mi-ah of Dankook University and Lee Eun-joo of Seoul National University, didn’t seem to be avid supporters for Park, but the questions from them appeared to be prearranged because, without hesitation, Park read relevant numbers to each question from a piece of paper in front of her. However, she still failed to deliver them with great clarity. About economic democratization – a euphemism for taming chaebol, Park offered empty rhetoric about household debt without commenting on her revised plan after she scrapped an initial plan to penalize existing circular shareholdings two weeks ago. Overall, her pledges and plans resembled a familiar mirage, the incumbent president Lee Myung-bak’s “747” plan in which he promised an average 7 percent growth in yearly output and $40,000 gross domestic product (GDP) per capita while becoming the world’s seventh largest economy before he was elected. |
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Naro rocket set for third attempt
The Korea Space Launch Vehicle-1, or Naro rocket, is set for its third launch on Thursday.
If successful in putting a scientific satellite mounted on the rocket into orbit, Korea will become the 10th country with its own capability to develop and launch a rocket.
The first attempt ended in failure 540.8 seconds after the launch due to malfunction of a fairing, a cover for the payload satellite, in August 2009.
The rocket failed a second time, exploding 137.3 seconds after launch in June 2010.
The exact cause has not been confirmed, but experts think it was due to a malfunction in the flight termination system, which allows self-destruction in case of emergency, such as when a rocket goes astray.
The scheduled liftoff of the KSLV-1 was delayed indefinitely on Oct. 26 due to a damaged rubber seal in the connector between the rocket and the launch pad.
The final run-through was conducted Wednesday. A team of Korean and Russian rockets experts will decide on the launch after checking the results at night.
By Kim Young-won (wone0102@heraldcorp.com)
If successful in putting a scientific satellite mounted on the rocket into orbit, Korea will become the 10th country with its own capability to develop and launch a rocket.
The first attempt ended in failure 540.8 seconds after the launch due to malfunction of a fairing, a cover for the payload satellite, in August 2009.
The rocket failed a second time, exploding 137.3 seconds after launch in June 2010.
The exact cause has not been confirmed, but experts think it was due to a malfunction in the flight termination system, which allows self-destruction in case of emergency, such as when a rocket goes astray.
The scheduled liftoff of the KSLV-1 was delayed indefinitely on Oct. 26 due to a damaged rubber seal in the connector between the rocket and the launch pad.
The final run-through was conducted Wednesday. A team of Korean and Russian rockets experts will decide on the launch after checking the results at night.
By Kim Young-won (wone0102@heraldcorp.com)
The presidential politics of film
On the night of Nov. 12, Megabox COEX in southern Seoul was filled with flashing lights and celebrities walking the red carpet.
It was the VIP premiere of director Jeong Ji-young’s latest film “National Security.”
Among the big-name figures were top actors Park Joong-hoon and Seol Kyung-koo, and celebrated filmmakers Kang Je-kyu and Ryu Seung-wan. Then the unexpected guests showed up; four presidential candidates from the opposition bloc, including the Democratic United Party’s Moon Jae-in and then-independent candidate Ahn Cheol-soo, made their appearance to watch the graphic torture drama based on the real-life case of late politician and democracy activist Kim Geun-tae.
The year 2012 has been notably political for the local film industry. A number of politically sensitive films have been released months or weeks before the Dec. 19 presidential election. Many of the candidates attended the screenings, some bursting into tears, and openly shared their thoughts about the films.
From the veteran director’s torture drama to CJ E&M’s commercial period flick, movies have been used as a means of political activism by filmmakers and the general public this year. The act of watching films in public, and their movie selections, also reflected each candidate’s political views and their public image.
“The use of popular culture (like the cinema) in politics is nothing new (in Korea),” culture critic Lee Moon-won told The Korea Herald.
“Many politicians in the past have tried to develop a certain image by talking about popular culture or being close to pop culture figures since about 1997. Lee Hoi-chang, a conservative politician, would very often make his movie-goings public. Former president Kim Dae-jung often mentioned (and praised) popular musician Seo Taiji.”
One of the films released in time for the election is director Jeong’s “National Security.” Last month, it became the first film in local cinema history to be seen by four presidential candidates at its VIP premiere.
The film is based on late Kim Geun-tae’s arrest and torture at the infamous Namyeong-dong detention center during Chun Doo-hwan’s military regime. At the center, he faces the false accusation of being a pro-North Korean communist and eventually endures all sorts of hard-to-watch torture, including waterboarding and electrocution, for 22 days.
The film was premiered at this year’s BIFF in October, and Jeong drew a lot of attention from the press for openly inviting presidential candidates to see the movie. “I don’t know if they’ll accept my invitation,” he told reporters at BIFF. “But I’d really like them to watch this movie. It deals with the history that we must overcome in order to move on to the future.”
On Nov. 12, four candidates ― Moon, Ahn, Lee Jung-hee of the minority United Progressive Party and Sim Sang-jeung of the Progressive Justice Party ― accepted Jeong’s invitation and showed up at the screening. Moon openly shared his thoughts on the movie via Twitter, while other candidates did the same through the promoter of the film.
This year’s biggest box-office triumph, “Gwanghae: the Man Who Became the King,” has been also discussed in a political context. An ambitious, expensive project by the country’s major moviemaker CJ E&M, the film is one of two movies that surpassed the 10 million mark in attendance, along with the star-studded heist film “The Thieves.”
The strictly commercial film features Gwanghae, the 15th ruler of Joseon (1392-1910), and the fictional Ha-sun, a street actor who ends up standing in for the ruler when he is poisoned and taken ill.
An entertaining yet moving account of a stand-in ruler who strives to serve the people and their interests, the movie was calculatedly released just a few months ahead of the presidential election. Moon and Ahn each made their own time to watch the film in October.
Moon, in particular, reportedly decided to see the film after many viewers suggested the role of Ha-sun reminded them of late President Roh Moo-hyun. The DUP candidate, who served as the former chief of staff to late Roh, was moved to tears after the screen went black.
“We didn’t really have any plan to have a political influence with this movie,” said Won Dong-yeon, the producer of the film, who accompanied Moon and Ahn when they each watched the film in theaters.
“We didn’t even know who the candidates were going to be while preparing this project. Our goal was to ask the question of what makes a great ruler. And as the producer of this film, I’d be grateful if this movie makes any audience member to think about this issue.”
Meanwhile, local moviemaker Cheogeoram’s upcoming film “26 Years” is the product of activism by the people. A highly political work by director Cho Keun-hyeon, the film tells the story of five ordinary people who together make a plan to assassinate the former President Chun Doo-hwan, for the massacre of innocent civilians while crushing a pro-democracy movement in May 1980.
The movie, slated to open on Thursday, is causing much buzz about its politically sensitive content. The production of the movie was paid for by online crowdfunding, as its initial pitches had been turned down by investors for the past three to four years. Its ending credits roll for more than 10 minutes, as they include all 15,000 donors’ names.
“When one does something terribly wrong and hurts others, they should at least apologize,” said director Cho during a press conference last week.
“And even if he or she chooses not to, they should be punished for what they’ve done. This is common sense, not some political idea.”
Critic Lee, however, said he doesn’t think movies like “26 Years” or “National Security” will make a notable difference in the election results, regardless of their cinematic quality and political values.
“We all know that American filmmaker Michael Moore’s 2004 documentary ‘Fahrenheit 9/11,’ which directly criticized and mocked the presidency of George W. Bush, did really well in the box office; in fact it was the highest-grossing documentary of all time in the U.S.,” he said.
“But Bush got reelected in that year. It’s the same with this year’s anti-Obama documentary ‘2016: Obama’s America.’ The film did really well in the box office, but Obama still got elected. The chances are, those who pay to watch these political films in theaters already have a very strong political view of their own; their views are unlikely to change by watching a film or two.”
By Claire Lee (dyc@heraldcorp.com)
It was the VIP premiere of director Jeong Ji-young’s latest film “National Security.”
Among the big-name figures were top actors Park Joong-hoon and Seol Kyung-koo, and celebrated filmmakers Kang Je-kyu and Ryu Seung-wan. Then the unexpected guests showed up; four presidential candidates from the opposition bloc, including the Democratic United Party’s Moon Jae-in and then-independent candidate Ahn Cheol-soo, made their appearance to watch the graphic torture drama based on the real-life case of late politician and democracy activist Kim Geun-tae.
The year 2012 has been notably political for the local film industry. A number of politically sensitive films have been released months or weeks before the Dec. 19 presidential election. Many of the candidates attended the screenings, some bursting into tears, and openly shared their thoughts about the films.
From the veteran director’s torture drama to CJ E&M’s commercial period flick, movies have been used as a means of political activism by filmmakers and the general public this year. The act of watching films in public, and their movie selections, also reflected each candidate’s political views and their public image.
“The use of popular culture (like the cinema) in politics is nothing new (in Korea),” culture critic Lee Moon-won told The Korea Herald.
“Many politicians in the past have tried to develop a certain image by talking about popular culture or being close to pop culture figures since about 1997. Lee Hoi-chang, a conservative politician, would very often make his movie-goings public. Former president Kim Dae-jung often mentioned (and praised) popular musician Seo Taiji.”
 |
| A scene from Cho Keun-hyeon’s ‘26 years.’ (Cheongeoram Films) |
One of the films released in time for the election is director Jeong’s “National Security.” Last month, it became the first film in local cinema history to be seen by four presidential candidates at its VIP premiere.
The film is based on late Kim Geun-tae’s arrest and torture at the infamous Namyeong-dong detention center during Chun Doo-hwan’s military regime. At the center, he faces the false accusation of being a pro-North Korean communist and eventually endures all sorts of hard-to-watch torture, including waterboarding and electrocution, for 22 days.
The film was premiered at this year’s BIFF in October, and Jeong drew a lot of attention from the press for openly inviting presidential candidates to see the movie. “I don’t know if they’ll accept my invitation,” he told reporters at BIFF. “But I’d really like them to watch this movie. It deals with the history that we must overcome in order to move on to the future.”
On Nov. 12, four candidates ― Moon, Ahn, Lee Jung-hee of the minority United Progressive Party and Sim Sang-jeung of the Progressive Justice Party ― accepted Jeong’s invitation and showed up at the screening. Moon openly shared his thoughts on the movie via Twitter, while other candidates did the same through the promoter of the film.
This year’s biggest box-office triumph, “Gwanghae: the Man Who Became the King,” has been also discussed in a political context. An ambitious, expensive project by the country’s major moviemaker CJ E&M, the film is one of two movies that surpassed the 10 million mark in attendance, along with the star-studded heist film “The Thieves.”
The strictly commercial film features Gwanghae, the 15th ruler of Joseon (1392-1910), and the fictional Ha-sun, a street actor who ends up standing in for the ruler when he is poisoned and taken ill.
An entertaining yet moving account of a stand-in ruler who strives to serve the people and their interests, the movie was calculatedly released just a few months ahead of the presidential election. Moon and Ahn each made their own time to watch the film in October.
Moon, in particular, reportedly decided to see the film after many viewers suggested the role of Ha-sun reminded them of late President Roh Moo-hyun. The DUP candidate, who served as the former chief of staff to late Roh, was moved to tears after the screen went black.
“We didn’t really have any plan to have a political influence with this movie,” said Won Dong-yeon, the producer of the film, who accompanied Moon and Ahn when they each watched the film in theaters.
“We didn’t even know who the candidates were going to be while preparing this project. Our goal was to ask the question of what makes a great ruler. And as the producer of this film, I’d be grateful if this movie makes any audience member to think about this issue.”
Meanwhile, local moviemaker Cheogeoram’s upcoming film “26 Years” is the product of activism by the people. A highly political work by director Cho Keun-hyeon, the film tells the story of five ordinary people who together make a plan to assassinate the former President Chun Doo-hwan, for the massacre of innocent civilians while crushing a pro-democracy movement in May 1980.
The movie, slated to open on Thursday, is causing much buzz about its politically sensitive content. The production of the movie was paid for by online crowdfunding, as its initial pitches had been turned down by investors for the past three to four years. Its ending credits roll for more than 10 minutes, as they include all 15,000 donors’ names.
“When one does something terribly wrong and hurts others, they should at least apologize,” said director Cho during a press conference last week.
“And even if he or she chooses not to, they should be punished for what they’ve done. This is common sense, not some political idea.”
Critic Lee, however, said he doesn’t think movies like “26 Years” or “National Security” will make a notable difference in the election results, regardless of their cinematic quality and political values.
“We all know that American filmmaker Michael Moore’s 2004 documentary ‘Fahrenheit 9/11,’ which directly criticized and mocked the presidency of George W. Bush, did really well in the box office; in fact it was the highest-grossing documentary of all time in the U.S.,” he said.
“But Bush got reelected in that year. It’s the same with this year’s anti-Obama documentary ‘2016: Obama’s America.’ The film did really well in the box office, but Obama still got elected. The chances are, those who pay to watch these political films in theaters already have a very strong political view of their own; their views are unlikely to change by watching a film or two.”
By Claire Lee (dyc@heraldcorp.com)
Park, Moon stand poles apart
Published : 2012-11-28 20:21
Updated : 2012-11-28 20:25
Updated : 2012-11-28 20:25
The knife-edge race for the presidency between Park Geun-hye and Moon Jae-in is becoming anachronistically ideological, as the two attack each other over failed dogmas and administrations of the past.
An avoidable fact is their starkly contrasting backgrounds: Park of the Saenuri Party is the first daughter of a former dictator and Moon of the Democratic United Party a former student activist who fought against his iron-fisted rule.
With the election having conveniently become a two-way contest of conservative versus progressive, observers say the disparities between the two are expected to grow in the remaining three weeks.
They, however, cautioned against excessive negative campaigning, citing how swing voters were already fed up with established politics’ two-way rivalry.
“The crucial 10 percent of voters are those that have once supported former independent candidate Ahn Cheol-soo on the platform of new politics but have not expressed any preference upon Ahn’s withdrawal. Rather than the two parties engaging in ideological negative attacks, differentiating themselves more in policy will help the race in what little time that remains,” said politics professor Yun Seong-yi of Kyung Hee University.
Backgrounds
Park and Moon are a year apart, with Park being born on Feb. 2, 1952, and Moon on Jan. 24, 1953.
Park, the first child of three, was born into the family of late President Park Chung-hee and first lady Yook Young-soo, at Samdeok-dong in Daegu. Moon, also the first born in his family, was born in Geojae of South Gyeongsang Province. His late father Moon Yong-hyeong was a refugee from North Korea during the Korean War (1950-1953).
By the time Park was graduated from elementary school, her father was president of South Korea, with the family moving into Cheong Wa Dae, where they stayed for 18 years.
Moon, on the other hand, recalls living in poverty. Moon is said to have helped his mom deliver briquettes to make ends meet.
Both Park and Moon excelled in school, with Park graduating first in class from Sacred Heart Girls’ High School in Yongsan. Moon also entered Kyungnam High School, an elite school in Busan, without the benefit of any private tuition.
For college, Park chose to major in electronic engineering at Sogang University in 1970, while Moon enrolled into Kyung Hee University, College of Law, with a full scholarship in 1972.
Their lives began to pull further apart in the mid-1970s.
While Park returned to Korea from her studies in France upon the assassination of her mother in 1974, becoming an acting first lady, Moon was arrested in 1975 for leading a rally against Park Chung-hee’s Yushin Constitution. After serving time, he was forcibly conscripted to the Special Forces brigade.
Toward the end of the 1970s, upon Park Chung-hee’s assassination, Park left Cheong Wa Dae with her sister and brother and returned to their previous home in Shindang-dong. She has said she suffered seeing the former aides of her father become turncoats.
Moon, meanwhile, was released from the military and soon passed the bar examination in 1980. During his training, Moon married his wife Kim Jeong-suk.
From the early 1980s to late 1990s, Park remained out of public attention, tending to the scholarship foundation started by her parents.
Moon, after failing to become a judge due to his criminal record, returned to Busan, where he was introduced to then-lawyer Roh Moo-hyun, who later became his lifelong friend and political comrade. Moon and Roh made names for themselves as labor and human rights lawyers.
When Roh entered politics in 1988, Moon stayed on working as the human rights lawyer.
Park then broke her silence and entered politics in April 1998 and won a parliamentary seat in 2000. She later became the party’s vice-chairwoman and eventually chairwoman with the nickname “Queen of Elections,” showing successful leadership.
Moon came to the fore upon the launch of the Roh Moo-hyun administration in 2003. Moon entered Cheong Wa Dae as his old friend’s chief secretary on civil affairs. Minus a brief leave of absence due to health reasons, Moon remained at Roh’s side, eventually becoming his chief of staff.
It was during this time that Park and Moon established their clout at the opposite spectrums, with Park leading the main opposition party, and Moon assisting the ruling camp.
At the end of the Roh government, Moon retreated from the public eye, until the death of Roh on May 23, 2009. Moon began to be recognized as the political guardian of the pro-Roh group by heading the Roh Moo-hyun Foundation, and eventually won his first parliamentary seat in Busan in this year’s general elections.
Park made her much-anticipated second presidential bid on July 10. Moon, after repeated recommendation from his aides and supporters, announced his bid on June 17.
Pledges
Park and Moon show conspicuous differences in positions on North Korea, economic democratization and welfare.
While both present a softer approach to Pyongyang compared to the incumbent Lee Myung-bak administration, Park is more determined in getting North Korea’s apology for the 2010 deadly attacks on Cheonan Ship and Yeonpyeongdo.
Both are for resuming the Mount Geumgang tours, suspended since 2008 when a South Korean tourist was shot dead by a North Korean soldier. Park, however, demands an apology for the incident first.
Both tout wider economic cooperation to ease the tension on the Korean peninsula, with Park vowing to set up liaison offices in Seoul and Pyeongyang and Moon promising to establish a five-year plan.
Both agree on the need for inter-Korean summit talks, but Moon is more enthusiastic, pledging to hold the meeting in his first year in office if elected.
Park’s campaign, meanwhile, is stepping up their offensives against Moon by questioning his position on the Northern Limit Line, the de-facto demarcation with the North in the West Sea, and the North’s attack of the Cheonan ship.
The differences between the two candidates are more vivid in their approaches to economic democratization.
Park’s policies are more focused on maintaining the existing system but reinforcing the penalties against conglomerates’ irregularities. Moon’s ideas are more concentrated on overhauling the system to curb chaebol’s abuse of power.
Park proposes to only ban new cross-shareholding, while Moon vows to resolve existing cross-shareholding after a 3-year grace period as well, and to impose fines to compel the execution in non-compliance cases.
Park is also adamantly against Moon’s plan to reintroduce the equity investment ceiling system.
Moon also plans to refer all legal cases pertaining to top shareholders of a conglomerate to a jury that would likely entail stronger sentences, which Park opposes.
In terms of political reform, both vow to reduce the power of the president and the central party by enhancing the role of the prime minister, introducing open primaries and minimizing party’s nomination rights.
But while Moon suggests adjusting the number of parliamentary seats by increasing by 100 the number of proportional members, Park has remained silent on the issue.
The two also differ on reforming the prosecution, with Moon vowing to abolish the Central Investigation Department of the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office, which Park disagrees with.
The two are also at odds over how to cut college tuition, one of the biggest social problems of the education-obsessed country.
Park proposes providing subsidies according to students’ family income, while Moon pledges to cut the tuition in half for all students at public colleges in the first year and at private schools by the second year through state subsidies.
Other differences include the candidates’ position toward the Jeju Naval Base and the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement, both of which Moon is more hesitant to follow through on with the current schedule.
By Lee Joo-hee (jhl@heraldcorp.com)
An avoidable fact is their starkly contrasting backgrounds: Park of the Saenuri Party is the first daughter of a former dictator and Moon of the Democratic United Party a former student activist who fought against his iron-fisted rule.
With the election having conveniently become a two-way contest of conservative versus progressive, observers say the disparities between the two are expected to grow in the remaining three weeks.
They, however, cautioned against excessive negative campaigning, citing how swing voters were already fed up with established politics’ two-way rivalry.
“The crucial 10 percent of voters are those that have once supported former independent candidate Ahn Cheol-soo on the platform of new politics but have not expressed any preference upon Ahn’s withdrawal. Rather than the two parties engaging in ideological negative attacks, differentiating themselves more in policy will help the race in what little time that remains,” said politics professor Yun Seong-yi of Kyung Hee University.
Backgrounds
Park and Moon are a year apart, with Park being born on Feb. 2, 1952, and Moon on Jan. 24, 1953.
Park, the first child of three, was born into the family of late President Park Chung-hee and first lady Yook Young-soo, at Samdeok-dong in Daegu. Moon, also the first born in his family, was born in Geojae of South Gyeongsang Province. His late father Moon Yong-hyeong was a refugee from North Korea during the Korean War (1950-1953).
By the time Park was graduated from elementary school, her father was president of South Korea, with the family moving into Cheong Wa Dae, where they stayed for 18 years.
 |
| A supporter presents a photograph of Park Geun-hye’s mother late Yuk Young-soo to the Saenuri Party presidential candidate in Hongseong, South Chungcheong Province, Wednesday. (Yonhap News) |
 |
| Democratic United Party presidential candidate Moon Jae-in hugs children at a nursery in Daejeon on Wednesday. (Yonhap News) |
Moon, on the other hand, recalls living in poverty. Moon is said to have helped his mom deliver briquettes to make ends meet.
Both Park and Moon excelled in school, with Park graduating first in class from Sacred Heart Girls’ High School in Yongsan. Moon also entered Kyungnam High School, an elite school in Busan, without the benefit of any private tuition.
For college, Park chose to major in electronic engineering at Sogang University in 1970, while Moon enrolled into Kyung Hee University, College of Law, with a full scholarship in 1972.
Their lives began to pull further apart in the mid-1970s.
While Park returned to Korea from her studies in France upon the assassination of her mother in 1974, becoming an acting first lady, Moon was arrested in 1975 for leading a rally against Park Chung-hee’s Yushin Constitution. After serving time, he was forcibly conscripted to the Special Forces brigade.
Toward the end of the 1970s, upon Park Chung-hee’s assassination, Park left Cheong Wa Dae with her sister and brother and returned to their previous home in Shindang-dong. She has said she suffered seeing the former aides of her father become turncoats.
Moon, meanwhile, was released from the military and soon passed the bar examination in 1980. During his training, Moon married his wife Kim Jeong-suk.
From the early 1980s to late 1990s, Park remained out of public attention, tending to the scholarship foundation started by her parents.
Moon, after failing to become a judge due to his criminal record, returned to Busan, where he was introduced to then-lawyer Roh Moo-hyun, who later became his lifelong friend and political comrade. Moon and Roh made names for themselves as labor and human rights lawyers.
When Roh entered politics in 1988, Moon stayed on working as the human rights lawyer.
Park then broke her silence and entered politics in April 1998 and won a parliamentary seat in 2000. She later became the party’s vice-chairwoman and eventually chairwoman with the nickname “Queen of Elections,” showing successful leadership.
Moon came to the fore upon the launch of the Roh Moo-hyun administration in 2003. Moon entered Cheong Wa Dae as his old friend’s chief secretary on civil affairs. Minus a brief leave of absence due to health reasons, Moon remained at Roh’s side, eventually becoming his chief of staff.
It was during this time that Park and Moon established their clout at the opposite spectrums, with Park leading the main opposition party, and Moon assisting the ruling camp.
At the end of the Roh government, Moon retreated from the public eye, until the death of Roh on May 23, 2009. Moon began to be recognized as the political guardian of the pro-Roh group by heading the Roh Moo-hyun Foundation, and eventually won his first parliamentary seat in Busan in this year’s general elections.
Park made her much-anticipated second presidential bid on July 10. Moon, after repeated recommendation from his aides and supporters, announced his bid on June 17.
Pledges
Park and Moon show conspicuous differences in positions on North Korea, economic democratization and welfare.
While both present a softer approach to Pyongyang compared to the incumbent Lee Myung-bak administration, Park is more determined in getting North Korea’s apology for the 2010 deadly attacks on Cheonan Ship and Yeonpyeongdo.
Both are for resuming the Mount Geumgang tours, suspended since 2008 when a South Korean tourist was shot dead by a North Korean soldier. Park, however, demands an apology for the incident first.
Both tout wider economic cooperation to ease the tension on the Korean peninsula, with Park vowing to set up liaison offices in Seoul and Pyeongyang and Moon promising to establish a five-year plan.
Both agree on the need for inter-Korean summit talks, but Moon is more enthusiastic, pledging to hold the meeting in his first year in office if elected.
Park’s campaign, meanwhile, is stepping up their offensives against Moon by questioning his position on the Northern Limit Line, the de-facto demarcation with the North in the West Sea, and the North’s attack of the Cheonan ship.
The differences between the two candidates are more vivid in their approaches to economic democratization.
Park’s policies are more focused on maintaining the existing system but reinforcing the penalties against conglomerates’ irregularities. Moon’s ideas are more concentrated on overhauling the system to curb chaebol’s abuse of power.
Park proposes to only ban new cross-shareholding, while Moon vows to resolve existing cross-shareholding after a 3-year grace period as well, and to impose fines to compel the execution in non-compliance cases.
Park is also adamantly against Moon’s plan to reintroduce the equity investment ceiling system.
Moon also plans to refer all legal cases pertaining to top shareholders of a conglomerate to a jury that would likely entail stronger sentences, which Park opposes.
In terms of political reform, both vow to reduce the power of the president and the central party by enhancing the role of the prime minister, introducing open primaries and minimizing party’s nomination rights.
But while Moon suggests adjusting the number of parliamentary seats by increasing by 100 the number of proportional members, Park has remained silent on the issue.
The two also differ on reforming the prosecution, with Moon vowing to abolish the Central Investigation Department of the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office, which Park disagrees with.
The two are also at odds over how to cut college tuition, one of the biggest social problems of the education-obsessed country.
Park proposes providing subsidies according to students’ family income, while Moon pledges to cut the tuition in half for all students at public colleges in the first year and at private schools by the second year through state subsidies.
Other differences include the candidates’ position toward the Jeju Naval Base and the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement, both of which Moon is more hesitant to follow through on with the current schedule.
By Lee Joo-hee (jhl@heraldcorp.com)
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