US supported S. Korean dicatoriship mass murder

US supported S. Korean dicatoriship mass murder 

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Topic: US supported S. Korean dicatoriship mass murder

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Posted By: vulkan02 
Subject: US supported S. Korean dicatoriship mass murder 
Date Posted: 19-May-2008 at 05:39

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AP IMPACT: Thousands killed by US's Korean ally By CHARLES J. HANLEY and JAE-SOON CHANG, Associated Press Writers Sun May 18, 4:48 PM ET DAEJEON, South Korea - Grave by mass grave, South Korea is unearthing the skeletons and buried truths of a cold-blooded slaughter from early in the Korean War, when this nation's U.S.-backed regime killed untold thousands of leftists and hapless peasants in a summer of terror in 1950. With U.S. military officers sometimes present, and as North Korean invaders pushed down the peninsula, the southern army and police emptied South Korean prisons, lined up detainees and shot them in the head, dumping the bodies into hastily dug trenches. Others were thrown into abandoned mines or into the sea. Women and children were among those killed. Many victims never faced charges or trial. The mass executions — intended to keep possible southern leftists from reinforcing the northerners — were carried out over mere weeks and were largely hidden from history for a half-century. They were "the most tragic and brutal chapter of the Korean War," said historian Kim Dong-choon, a member of a 2-year-old government commission investigating the killings. Hundreds of sets of remains have been uncovered so far, but researchers say they are only a tiny fraction of the deaths. The commission estimates at least 100,000 people were executed, in a South Korean population of 20 million. That estimate is based on projections from local surveys and is "very conservative," said Kim. The true toll may be twice that or more, he told The Associated Press. In addition, thousands of South Koreans who allegedly collaborated with the communist occupation were slain by southern forces later in 1950, and the invaders staged their own executions of rightists. Through the postwar decades of South Korean right-wing dictatorships, victims' fearful families kept silent about that blood-soaked summer. American military reports of the South Korean slaughter were stamped "secret" and filed away in Washington. Communist accounts were dismissed as lies. Only since the 1990s, and South Korea's democratization, has the truth begun to seep out. In 2002, a typhoon's fury uncovered one mass grave. Another was found by a television news team that broke into a sealed mine. Further corroboration comes from a trickle of declassified U.S. military documents, including U.S. Army photographs of a mass killing outside this central South Korean city. Now Kim's Truth and Reconciliation Commission has added government authority to the work of scattered researchers, family members and journalists trying to peel away the long-running cover-up. The commissioners have the help of a handful of remorseful old men. "Even now, I feel guilty that I pulled the trigger," said Lee Joon-young, 83, one of the executioners in a secluded valley near Daejeon in early July 1950. The retired prison guard told the AP he knew that many of those shot and buried en masse were ordinary convicts or illiterate peasants wrongly ensnared in roundups of supposed communist sympathizers. They didn't deserve to die, he said. They "knew nothing about communism." The 17 investigators of the commission's subcommittee on "mass civilian sacrifice," led by Kim, have been dealing with petitions from more than 7,000 South Koreans, involving some 1,200 alleged incidents — not just mass planned executions, but also 215 cases in which the U.S. military is accused of the indiscriminate killing of South Korean civilians in 1950-51, usually in air attacks. The commission last year excavated sites at four of an estimated 150 mass graves around the country, recovering remains of more than 400 people. Working deliberately, matching documents to eyewitness and survivor testimony, it has officially confirmed two large-scale executions — at a warehouse in the central South Korean county of Cheongwon, and atUlsan on the southeast coast. In January, then-President Roh Moo-hyun, under whose liberal leadership the commission was established, formally apologized for the more than 870 deaths confirmed at Ulsan, calling them "illegal acts the then-state authority committed." The commission, with no power to compel testimony or prosecute, faces daunting tasks both in verifying events and identifying victims, and in tracing a chain of responsibility. Under Roh's conservative successor, Lee Myung-bak, whose party is seen as democratic heir to the old autocratic right wing, the commission may find less budgetary and political support. The roots of the summer 1950 bloodbath lie in the U.S.-Soviet division of Japan's former Korea colony in 1945, which precipitated north-south turmoil and eventual war. In the late 1940s, President Syngman Rhee's U.S.-installed rightist regime crushed leftist political activity in South Korea, including a guerrilla uprising inspired by the communists ruling the north. By 1950, southern jails were packed with up to 30,000 political prisoners. The southern government, meanwhile, also created the National Guidance League, a "re-education" organization for recanting leftists and others suspected of communist leanings. Historians say officials met membership quotas by pressuring peasants into signing up with promises of rice rations or other benefits. By 1950, more than 300,000 people were on the league's rolls, organizers said. North Korean invaders seized Seoul, the southern capital, in late June 1950 and freed thousands of prisoners, who rallied to the northern cause. Southern authorities, in full retreat with their U.S. military advisers, ordered National Guidance League members in areas they controlled to report to the police, who detained them. Soon after, commission researchers say, the organized mass executions of people regarded as potential collaborators began — "bad security risks," as a police official described the detainees at the time. The declassified record of U.S. documents shows an ambivalent American attitude toward the killings. American diplomats that summer urged restraint on southern officials — to no obvious effect — but a State Department cable that fall said overall commander Gen. Douglas MacArthur viewed the executions as a Korean "internal matter," even though he controlled South Korea's military. Ninety miles south of Seoul, here in the narrow, peaceful valley of Sannae, truckloads of prisoners were brought in from Daejeon Prison and elsewhere day after day in July 1950, as the North Koreans bore down on the city. The American photos, taken by an Army major and kept classified for a half-century, show the macabre sequence of events. White-clad detainees — bent, submissive, with hands bound — were thrown down prone, jammed side by side, on the edge of a long trench. South Korean military and national policemen then stepped up behind, pointed their rifles at the backs of their heads and fired. The bodies were tipped into the trench. Trembling policemen — "they hadn't shot anyone before" — were sometimes off-target, leaving men wounded but alive, Lee said. He and others were ordered to check for wounded and finish them off. Evidence indicates South Korean executioners killed between 3,000 and 7,000 here, said commissioner Kim. A half-dozen trenches, each up to 150 yards long and full of bodies, extended over an area almost a mile long, said Kim Chong-hyun, 70, chairman of a group of bereaved families campaigning for disclosure and compensation for the Daejeon killings. His father, accused but never convicted of militant leftist activity, was one victim. Another was Yeo Tae-ku's father, whose wife and mother searched for him afterward. "Bodies were just piled upon each other," said Yeo, 59, remembering his mother's description. "Arms would come off when they turned them over." The desperate women never found him, and the mass graves were quickly covered over, as were others in isolated spots up and down this mountainous peninsula, to be officially "forgotten." When British communist journalist Alan Winnington entered Daejeon that summer with North Korean troops and visited the site, writing of "waxy dead hands and feet (that) stick through the soil," his reports in the Daily Worker were denounced as "fabrication" by the U.S. Embassy in London. American military accounts focused instead on North Korean reprisal killings that followed in Daejeon. But CIA and U.S. military intelligence documents circulating even before the Winnington report, classified "secret" and since declassified, told of the executions by the South Koreans. Lt. Col. Bob Edwards, U.S. Embassy military attache in South Korea, wrote in conveying the Daejeon photos to Army intelligence in Washington that he believed nationwide "thousands of political prisoners were executed within (a) few weeks" by the South Koreans. Another glimpse of the carnage appeared in an unofficial U.S. source, an obscure memoir self-published in 1981 by the late Donald Nichols, a U.S. Air Force intelligence officer, who told of witnessing "the unforgettable massacre of approximately 1,800 at Suwon," 20 miles south of Seoul. Such reports lend credibility to a captured North Korean document from Aug. 2, 1950, eventually declassified by Washington, which spoke of mass executions in 12 South Korean cities, including 1,000 killed in Suwon and 4,000 in Daejeon. That early, incomplete North Korean report couldn't include those executed in territory still held by the southerners. Up to 10,000 were killed in the city of Busan alone, a South Korean lawmaker, Park Chan-hyun, estimated in 1960. His investigation came during a 12-month democratic interlude between the overthrow of Rhee and a government takeover by Maj. Gen. Park Chung-hee's authoritarian military, which quickly arrested many then probing for the hidden story of 1950. Kim said his projection of at least 100,000 dead is based in part on extrapolating from a survey by non-governmental organizations in one province, Busan's South Gyeongsang, which estimated 25,000 killed there. And initial evidence suggests most of the National Guidance League's 300,000 members were killed, he said. Commission investigators agree with the late Lt. Col. Edwards' note to Washington in 1950, that "orders for execution undoubtedly came from the top," that is, President Rhee, who died in 1965. But any documentary proof of that may have been destroyed, just as the facts of the mass killings themselves were buried. In 1953, after the war ended in stalemate, after the deaths of at least 2 million people, half or more of them civilians, a U.S. Army war crimes report attributed all summary executions here in Daejeon to the "murderous barbarism" of North Koreans. Such myths survived a half-century, in part because those who knew the truth were cowed into silence. "My mother destroyed all pictures of my father, for fear the family would get an image as leftists," said Koh Chung-ryol, 57, who is convinced her 29-year-old father was innocent of wrongdoing when picked up in a broad police sweep here, to die in Sannae valley. "My mother tried hard to get rid of anything about her husband," she said. "She suffered unspeakable pain." Even educated South Koreans remained ignorant of their country's past. As a young researcher in the late 1980s, Yonsei University's Park Myung-lim, today a leading Korean War historian, was deeply shaken as he sought out confidential accounts of those days from ordinary Koreans. "I cried," he said. "I felt, 'Oh, my goodness. Oh, Jesus. This was my country? It was true?'" The Truth and Reconciliation Commission can recommend but not award compensation for lost and ruined lives, nor can it bring surviving perpetrators to justice. "Our investigative power is so meager," commission President Ahn Byung-ook told the AP. His immediate concern is resources. "The current government isn't friendly toward us, and so we're concerned that the budget may be cut next year," he said. South Korean conservatives complain the "truth" campaign will only reopen old wounds from a time when, even at the village level, leftists and rightists carried out bloody reprisals against each other. The life of the commission — with a staff of 240 and annual budget of $19 million — is guaranteed by law until at least 2010, when it will issue a final, comprehensive report. Later this spring and summer its teams will resume digging at mass grave sites. Thus far, it has verified 16 incidents of 1950-51 — not just large-scale detainee killings, but also such events as a South Korean battalion's cold-blooded killing of 187 men, women and children at Kochang village, supposed sympathizers with leftist guerrillas. By exposing the truth of such episodes, "we hope to heal the trauma and pain of the bereaved families," the commission says. It also wants to educate people, "not just in Korea, but throughout the international community," to the reality of that long-ago conflict, to "prevent such a tragic war from reoccurring in the future." ------------- The beginning of a revolution is in reality the end of a belief - Le Bon Destroy first and construction will look after itself - Mao

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Replies:

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Posted By: Guests 
Date Posted: 19-May-2008 at 05:57

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An unspeakable act of barbarism that, while dismaying and macabre, does not really surprise me. -------------

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Posted By: Omar al Hashim 
Date Posted: 19-May-2008 at 11:52

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I knew this years ago. Surely it is accepted history by now. The south korean dictator was a total bastard, and the Americans didn't help the matter. That is why much of the civilian population sided with the North during the war. -------------

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Posted By: vulkan02 
Date Posted: 19-May-2008 at 16:54

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I knew that killings happened but never thought it was something of this scale. ------------- The beginning of a revolution is in reality the end of a belief - Le Bon Destroy first and construction will look after itself - Mao

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Posted By: Sarmat 
Date Posted: 19-May-2008 at 17:03

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Even more civilians were brutally killed during the massive napalm bombardments by the American Airforce. ------------- Σαυρομάτης

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Posted By: Guests 
Date Posted: 19-May-2008 at 18:09

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Remember when it's on a civilian town they 'accidentally' Flew directly over the town Armed the napalm weaponry Flipped up the cap over the release button Timed it perfectly for maximum civilian coverage Released the weapons Returned to apologise and did it again -------------

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Posted By: King Kang of Mu 
Date Posted: 19-May-2008 at 22:17

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http://kontrasaceh.blogspot.com/2006/04/43-jeju-massacre.html There was also Jeju Island Massacre in 1948 which killed 14,000 to 30,000 by the government figure or 30,000 to 80,000 by the civil rights activists figure which would be about 10% to 25 % of the entire population of the island at the time. S.K president at the time Rhee Syngman was educated Princeton, married to a Austrian lady and known to be a devoted Christian.  He used Korean mafia tied with Japanese Yakuza to control the election and assassinated many left wing leaders like Kim Gu  who was revered  as Korean Sun Yet Sen.  The 4. 19 Student Uprising in 1960 threw him out, he fled to Hawaii and died there. Koreans were so sick and tired of his presidency they changed it to parliamentary system, but the new  PM  didn't have enough authority to meet all the demands of the civil rights,  labor  movement.   Chaos followed  and  a year later,  Gen.  Park Chung Hee  took over with Coup d'etat.   Gen. Park ruled iron-fisted until 1979 when he got shot by his right hand man who was the director of KCIA at a private party. Similar chaos followed after his death and another Coup d'etat headed by Gen. Chun Doo Hwan.   More or less same iron-fisted ruled followed, marked by GwangJu Massacre. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gwangju_Massacre The controversy still remains over the total casualty and U.S. involvement.   Latest figure is 207 deaths, 2,392 wounded  and 987 missing people.  U.S. denies prior knowledge of the S.K troop movement or order to fire but many doubt that Gen. Chun could have pulled this without U.S-S.K. Joint Command's permission.  http://www.jpri.org/publications/workingpapers/wp20.html Gen. Chun did however kept his promise of a single 7 year term presidency.  But the left wing leaders at the time Kim Dae Jung and Kim Young Sam fought over the left wing candidacy and ended up splitting the the left wing votes which resulted Roh Tae Woo as the new president in 1987.  Roh Tae Woo was a high school and military buddy of Gen. Chun. Since Roh Tae Woo, S.K. elected three civilian left wing presidents with civil rights activism background in a row, Kim Young Sam, Kim Dae Jung, Roh Mu Hyun.  But their presidencies have been marred with corruption and scandals, also a sign of progress in S.K. democracy to criticize the government freely. Doubled with Asian economy crisis, Koreans elected a right winger Lee Myung Bak, the current president and former Hyundai executive.  First thing he did was visiting U.S. and Japan as expected followed by importing U.S. beef and FTA talk with Japan.  He's supposedly close with former dictator, Gen. Chun.  And one of his main right wing opponent for the election was Park Keun Hye, the daughter of former dictator Park Chung Hee. I do think electing a right winger is a sign of maturity in democracy as much as electing a left winger.  Isn't that what election is about?  In recent poll, Koreans revere Park Chung Hee as one of the modern Korean leaders only second to Kim Gu.  Many young Koreans still remember the atrocities of Gen. Chun but too young to remember Park's.  The argument is that most of the third world nations have one form of totalitarian regime or another; Would you rather have a dictator who just oppress own people or a dictator who oppresses but develops the economy?   It is a false pretense for an argument in my opinion.  But then again how many third world nations in the world has developed economy under democracy? ------------- http://www.allempires.net/forum/forums.html

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Posted By: Vorian 
Date Posted: 19-May-2008 at 22:23

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I think that the fact that nobody is surprised tells a lot about our world.

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Posted By: Akolouthos 
Date Posted: 20-May-2008 at 04:39

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Originally posted by Vorian I think that the fact that nobody is surprised tells a lot about our world.   Sadly, yes.  The narrative of history always reminds us of the Fall.   -Akolouthos

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Posted By: King Kang of Mu 
Date Posted: 20-May-2008 at 06:37

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Yes, it is sad.  But it is not just a story of the Fall.  The Fall was only the beginning.  It is definitely not the end.  If anything it is a story of the Rise.  It's not the story of how they got victimized but how they fought back.  My grand parents were born under the Japanese Occupation, my mother was born in a refuge camp.  They couldn't do much about the fate they born into but at some point they said 'No More'.  This sad story stops here.  It will not continue with my children, it will not continue with my grandchildren.  So they accepted their fate.  They fought back for their children.  They worked hard for their children.  So I'm here getting spoiled with their love, a product of their courage and labor.  They are so proud that they CAN spoil me.  That the pain is in their memory not mine.  That is the story of Korea, from nothing to the 10th biggest economy in the world, from military dictatorship to spoiled democracy.  It is the story of the Rise. When I look at the footages of the children of Iraq, Sudan, Burma, Kosovo, Somalia, Colombia, Chechnya, East Timur, Afghanistan, Detroit, Bosnia, New Orleans, Favelas of Rio, Palestine and North Korea, I see the faces of my parents, uncles and aunts.  Kids are stronger than we give them credit for. No More.  This is not a story of the Fall no more.  It has to be the story of the Rise. I am proud.  Of all that was before me and after me. P.S.  Sorry, I got all emotional.  That was a good cry though. ------------- http://www.allempires.net/forum/forums.html

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Posted By: Akolouthos 
Date Posted: 20-May-2008 at 06:47

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Originally posted by King Kang of Mu Yes, it is sad.  But it is not just a story of the Fall.  The Fall was only the beginning.  It is definitely not the end.  If anything it is a story of the Rise.  It's not the story of how they got victimized but how they fought back.  My grand parents were born under the Japanese Occupation, my mother was born in a refuge camp.  They couldn't do much about the fate they born into but at some point they said 'No More'.  This sad story stops here.  It will not continue with my children, it will not continue with my grandchildren.  So they accepted their fate.  They fought back for their children.  They worked hard for their children.  So I'm here getting spoiled with their love, a product of their courage and labor.  They are so proud that they CAN spoil me.  That the pain is in their memory not mine.  That is the story of Korea, from nothing to the 10th biggest economy in the world, from military dictatorship to spoiled democracy.  It is the story of the Rise. When I look at the footages of the children of Iraq, Sudan, Burma, Kosovo, Somalia, Colombia, Chechnya, East Timur, Afghanistan, Detroit, Bosnia, New Orleans, Favelas of Rio, and North Korea, I see the faces of my parents, uncles and aunts.  Kids are stronger than we give them credit for. No More.  This is not a story of the Fall no more.  It has to be the story of the Rise. I am proud.  Of all that was before me and after me. P.S.  Sorry, I got all emotional.  That was a good cry though.   That was one of the most eloquent things I've read on this forum in quite some time. You've actually made me feel a great deal better. My hat's off to you, sir.    -Akolouthos

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Posted By: Guests 
Date Posted: 20-May-2008 at 06:54

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While certainly inspirational, people these days no longer see inspiration in anything. As such the cycle of depression continues. Well put though King Kang. -------------

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Posted By: vulkan02 
Date Posted: 20-May-2008 at 17:07

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Hopefully people will attain some intelligence and we will do things different as we have done in the past. I'm personally optimistic that built on the failures of the past, a new brighter future awaits for all. A future where everyone can have his or her share while still respecting the force of competition but not in the fratricidal ways of the past. This however requires a world where no power can thoroughly dominate all the rest militarily or economically so more freedom to choose exists.