Sweden’s Andersson wins Golden Lion at Venice fest

Director Roy Andersson poses for photographers with his Golden Lion for Best Film for his movie A Pigeon Sat On A Branch Reflecting On Existence following the awards ceremony of the 71th edition of the Venice Film Festival in Venice, Italy, Saturday (AP-Yonhap News)

VENICE, Italy (AP) _ Swedish director Roy Andersson won the Venice Film Festival’s Golden Lion on Saturday for his absurdist drama “A Pigeon Sat on a Branch Reflecting on Existence.” That counts as a feel-good ending to a contest whose fare often grappled with war, death and depression, both emotional and economic.

The festival’s other avian contender, the widely praised Michael Keaton comeback movie “Birdman,” went home empty-handed, but still looks set to be an awards-season contender.

Andersson’s series of bleakly comic vignettes _ imagine Monty Python directed by Ingmar Bergman _ had some critics in raptures but left others scratching their heads. Set in a drab modern Sweden with occasional bursts of surrealism and song, “Pigeon” loosely follows two sad-sacks trying unsuccessfully to sell vampire teeth and other jokey novelties.

Andersson, 71, said earlier in the week that his goal was to find poetry in the banal. Accepting his award, the director said Italian films _ especially Vittorio de Sica’s neorealist masterpiece “Bicycle Thieves” _ had a major impact on him.

“You have such a fantastic film history,” he told his Italian hosts. “And I know that in Italy you have taste.”

Joshua Oppenheimer’s powerful documentary about the legacy of Indonesian massacres, “The Look of Silence,” won the runner-up award, the Grand Jury Prize.

The festival’s Silver Lion for best director went to Russia’s Andrei Konchalovksy for “The Postman’s White Nights,” a largely silent drama set among villagers on a remote Russian island.

Rising Hollywood star Adam Driver _ who appears in the upcoming “Star Wars” film _ and Italian actress Alba Rohrwacher took the acting prizes for playing a couple whose transition to parenthood goes chillingly wrong in “Hungry Hearts.”

The festival jury, led by composer Alexandre Desplat, gave a screenplay award to Iranian director Rakhshan Bani-Etemad’s Tehran-set “Tales,” and a special prize to Turkish director Kaan Mujdeci for “Sivas,” a drama about a neglected boy who forms a bond with a fighting dog.

Despite its scenes of death and everyday cruelty, Andersson’s very funny film was one of the gentler entries in a festival whose films often dealt with suffering, struggle and strife. 

There was Ethan Hawke’s conscience-troubled drone pilot fighting the war on terror in Andrew Niccol’s “Good Kill”; the starving Japanese soldiers driven to madness in Shinya Tsukamoto’s “Nobi: Fires on the Plain”; and Viggo Mortensen’s teacher dragged into Algeria’s battle for independence in David Oelhoffen’s “Far From Men.”

An economically bruised America was the backdrop for Ramin Bahrani’s Florida-set foreclosure tale “99 Homes” and Ami Canaan Mann’s riding-the-rails romance “Jackie and Ryan.”

Two of the most talked-about performances were by actors playing men battered by life. Al Pacino was a small-town Texas locksmith trapped in the past in David Gordon Green’s “Manglehorn.” And Keaton used memories of his “Batman” years to brilliant effect as an aging actor trying to regain his creative spark in Alejandro Gonzalez Inarritu’s satirical “Birdman. 

Juror Tim Roth said “Birdman” was a good film that just didn’t make the cut in the jury’s deliberations.

But, the actor said, “there is nothing better than seeing Michael Keaton coming and kicking some ass.”

The world’s oldest film festival, now in its 71st year, prides itself on Italian sophistication, with a romantic setting _ apart from the mosquitoes _ on Venice’s lush Lido island. Pacino, Emma Stone, Owen Wilson, Uma Thurman, James Franco and Charlotte Gainsbourg were among the stars who walked the red carpet outside the Palazzo del Cinema.

But these are hard times for Venice and other film festivals, which are traditionally a way for movies to debut with a splash and build awards buzz. Competition for the big movies has grown fierce. Venice is up against rivals including Toronto and Telluride, both of which overlap it.

Festival director Alberto Barbera said he got “95 percent” of the films he wanted this year _ but he lost out on a couple of big ones, including David Fincher’s “Gone Girl,” which will premiere at the New York Film Festival. 

Actor John Leguizamo, in Venice with modern-dress Shakespeare adaptation “Cymbeline,” said festivals like Venice were still essential.

 “I think they remind Hollywood, or tell Hollywood, what they should appreciate,” he said. “Festivals are the guardians, the protectors of quality.”

Korea beats Venezuela 3-1 in football friendly

South Korea came from behind to defeat Venezuela 3-1 in their football friendly match on Friday, with a veteran striker celebrating his milestone match with a pair of goals.

Playing in his 100th international match, South Korean striker Lee Dong-gook headed in the go-ahead goal early in the second half and netted an insurance marker for good measure, giving the host a win before more than 34,000 fans at Bucheon Stadium, just west of Seoul.

This was South Korea's first international contest since the FIFA World Cup in Brazil in June.

 Venezuela opened the scoring on a South Korean gaffe in the 21st minute. Goalkeeper Kim Jin-hyeon botched his goal kick and the ball landed right where Mario Rondon was standing just a few meters away, and the Venezuelan forward deftly lobbed it over the helpless Korean custodian to make it 1-0.

South Korean midfielder Lee Myung-joo brought the host 12 minutes later. Midfielder Lee Chung-yong took a pretty feed from Son Heung-min and tried to put a shot on net from the left side of the box. The ball instead went off a Venezuelan defender and found the wide-open Lee Myung-joo, who struck it past goalkeeper Reny Vega.

Korean striker Lee Myung-joo reacts after scoring an goal in a friendly match with Venezuela in a Bucheon stadium on Friday. (Yonhap)

South Korea nearly went ahead two minutes from half-time, when Lee Chung-yong's header off Son's cross just sailed above the crossbar.

The host picked up right where it left off in the second half, and then Lee Dong-gook put South Korea ahead for good as he headed in a corner by Kim Min-woo in the 51st minute.

Lee then doubled the lead for South Korea, pouncing on a loose ball near the penalty area in the 63rd minute.

By appearing in his 100th match, Lee, 35, joined eight other former players in the exclusive 'Century Club,' reserved only for those who have played in at least 100 matches for their country.

Lee is the leading scorer in the K League Classic this year with 11 goals in 22 matches and is also the all-time leader with 165 goals in 370 matches.   

South Korea played without a head coach. Earlier in the day, the Korea Football Association (KFA) announced the naming of former German international Uli Stielike as the new bench boss, filling in the vacancy left when Hong Myung-bo resigned in July after the World Cup.

The KFA said Stielike will arrive in South Korea on Monday and will attend the country's friendly match against Uruguay later that evening.

Three coaches served on the bench Friday and will do so again on Monday against Uruguay. Shin Tae-yong, a former head coach in the top domestic circuit K League Classic, is currently the de facto bench boss by seniority at age 43. (Yonhap)

SOUTH KOREA: Military camps or government run torture centres?

Out of several recent incidents concerning conscripted men, two have sparked public outrage and triggered a call for an overhaul of the conscription system in South Korea.

The first case concerns Mr. Lim, a young conscript, who turned his gun on his fellow conscripts and opened fire on 21 June 2014. As a result, five men were killed and seven injured. After the incident, Mr. Lim deserted his barracks and attempted suicide. He survived and was arrested.

Following his arrest, the question of what made Mr. Lim pull the trigger arose. He had only three months left before his discharge from military service. It turns out, according to various media reports, Mr. Lim had been suffering from organized bullying and humiliation, both by his seniors and juniors in the military base for many months.

The second case that has caught South Korean public attention involves Mr. Yoon, another young conscript, who was reportedly tortured to death by seniors 35 days after arriving at the military camp in which he was designated to serve. The incident occurred in early April 2014, but became public information only recently.

According to media reports, the seniors beat Mr. Yoon all over his body, including on his chest and abdomen. They forced Mr. Yoon to eat toothpaste, sexually harassed him, and subjected him to other violent bullying, all with the acquiescence of military officials. His torture lasted for about a month.

On 6 April 2014, he suddenly collapsed, allegedly while he was being beaten, and while his mouth was stuffed full of frozen food. He died shortly thereafter. Attempts were made to cover up the incident with a falsified report. But a senior, who was the one of participants of the organized violent bullying, testified to the truth.

Higher ranked military officials have claimed that practices of torture or ill-treatment are things of the past. However, the fact is cases of torture are not reported, since such a case can affect the officer's promotion opportunities. Ill-treatment persists, but does not make it to statistical records.

The public is aware that this conduct continues and the military barracks are places where young conscripts have to endure a certain amount of torture or ill-treatment. What is dangerous is the mindset of the public that such practices are someone else's story; few are bothered enough to try to change this practice. Parents simply expect their sons to complete military service without getting into any trouble. This makes it difficult to even attempt to change the culture of ill-treatment inside the restricted barracks, where a conscript is always at high risk of institutional violence.

The public mocks the situation darkly by saying that if a conscript is patient enough with his ill-treatment in a military camp, then he risks a fate similar to Mr. Yoon, and, if not, he risks suffering Mr. Lim's fate. Despite there being some internal complaint mechanisms, the conscripts are aware that these mechanisms are of no use. The complainants are labeled as traitors and isolated inside the camp or when transferred to another camp. In addition, the victims are often the ones who receive disciplinary action for "causing" ill-treatment.

A major concern, of particular importance, is that there is no independent investigation mechanism to address such incidents in the military. This is a glaring omission of oversight given such incidents are nothing new. A total of 152 bodies from deaths classified as "failure to adjust to military life" are still being kept in the morgue. Families have refused to take back these bodies until a thorough and independent investigation is conducted. For the last five years, statistics show a total of over 120 annual deaths in military camps, with over 80 tagged as suicides.

But, there is something else at play here. A fact reported in connection with the death of Mr. Yoon is illustrative. One of Mr. Yoon's torturers is himself known to be a past victim of the same crimes; he was reportedly tortured and ill-treated when he was a junior.

In the conscription system, these acts of violence that juniors experience are repeated in more sophisticated ways when juniors become seniors. No matter what kind of pleasant personality a young conscript may possess, if he is forced into such an environment for long, there are high chances he will become a victim first and a perpetrator later. This is how a senior gets reward for the suffering experience that he had to endure in his junior period.

The South Korean military conscription system allows for the practice of ill-treatment to operate. And, it is even worse when it comes to sexual minorities who are forced to choose between a criminal records or conscription in a system that will specifically targeted them for sexual abuse because of their sexuality.

This vicious circle of violence has been perpetuated since the inception of military camps for conscripts in South Korea. It was the Japanese occupiers, for their own needs in the Pacific War in 1944, who first imposed the conscription system in the Korean Peninsula. The South Korean government later resumed it in 1951. The armistice agreement situation in the Korean Peninsula, along with a couple of unfortunate military attacks, has perpetuated the system for the last 60 years. Past military governments brainwashed citizens that it is a "divine" duty to protect the nation and that men must join the army. Due to this widespread perception, conscientious objectors have been consistently socially discriminated against by the whole of society.

The Ministry of National Defence has consistently cited national security to justify the continued use of the current conscription system. However, in doing so, it is the Ministry that has jeopardized both national and human security, refusing to be vigilant against torture and ill-treatment of its own citizens within military camps and to accept independent investigations.

If the state wishes to sustain the system, it must fulfill its responsibility of taking care of those it conscripts. Otherwise, it will be safer for South Korean men to choose prison instead of military service. There is a greater chance of South Korean prison inmates being able to protect their physical integrity and, if an unfortunate incident occurs, there is a greater possibility that an independent investigation will be conducted to ascertain the truth.

It is time for the public to revisit the claims that sustain the conscription system.

Document Type :

Statement

Document ID :

AHRC-STM-166-2014

Countries :

South Korea

Issues :

Judicial system, Military, Right to food, Torture, Environmental protection, Extrajudicial killings

SOUTH KOREA: Clandestine war for national memory

National history is written from a certain perspective. And, it can be rewritten later from other perspectives. However, it should not be forgotten that the purpose of having a national history, which itself underlines certain aspects of national memory, is so that accumulated wisdom from the past can circulate in society. Future generations can utilize such national history for the good of humanity and prosperity, in the home country and the surrounding region. It is critical, however, that national history should be based on historical fact, with evidence to support, regardless of the particular perspective from which it is written.

The people of South Korea have shed their blood fighting for democracy and human rights. They made their first major effort in 1960, when the systematic fraud of the presidential election became public. This is now known as the "April 19 Revolution". It became etched in national memory because the people took down a corrupt government. However, the people's aspirations for democracy failed to fructify. This was due to the coup led by General Park Chung-hee, who then ruled the country for about 16 years, until his assassination in 1979.

Soon thereafter, General Chun Du-hwan orchestrated another coup and ended up ruling the country. In 1980, the people in Gwangju resisted Chun's military coup and fought for democracy and human rights. This is now termed the "May 18 Uprising".

Then came the 1987 people's struggle for the establishment of democracy in South Korea. The so-called "June 10 Uprising" ushered a peaceful transition from military rule to a democratic process of government. An amendment to the Constitution guaranteed this.

Such a listing, of the three aforementioned uprisings, is a simplified and inexhaustive noting of events, for a variety of reasons, not the least of which is that many events are still in the process of being memorialized.

After civilian governments replaced military regimes, several commissions, aimed at investigating alleged human rights violations of the past, were established. But, despite strong dissent from the public, former President Lee Myung-bak dismantled these commissions.

A Korean Democratic Foundation was also established to commemorate those who lost their lives or suffered injury during the democratic movement. However, this Foundation, which conducts research on related events and educates the younger generation, is now in crisis. Staff of the Foundation has been struggling to restore transparency and the democratic process for over half a year. This situation has arisen because the integrity of the newly appointed President of the Foundation is in serious doubt. Furthermore, his appointment was conducted without consideration to the relevant regulation and procedure.

However, mere administrative process is not central here. A broader analysis of South Korean understanding of history, bearing in mind the government's attempt to change the national memory process, is the need.

According to reports, the Ministry of Education has interfered with the Educational Broadcasting System. The Ministry sought to change the content of history, by censoring broadcasting, putting pressure on the broadcasters to teach what the Ministry wanted. It has been alleged that the Ministry asked that a significant portion of South Korean historical fact be deleted from programmes. The Ministry apparently wished to neuter public recollection of the memory of human rights abuses committed by former President Park Chung-hee, father of the current President Park Geun-hye, and also by two other military generals, who succeeded Park Chung-hee in power.

After the Presidential Election in December 2012, the electorate believed that things would not change significantly, as the country had achieved a certain level of democracy. Direct democracy commenced operating after the "June 10 Uprising" in 1987, and the subsequent Constitutional Amendment.

However, today, these beliefs have been shaken. Those who fought for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, and those who hold peace dear, need to be on alert again. Ordinary people, have to, once again, fight for values that have been taken for granted for several decades.

In the past, military and authoritarian governments, as a priority, have sought to modify national memory through bogus history re-education. However, what the people face today is the result of a clandestine war to sway national memory. This insidious assault on national memory began decades ago, and its significance is only surfacing now.

In this light, the current administration's policy to win the battle of history inside Korea is hypocrisy. During World War II, the Japanese government attempted to sugarcoat its war under the guise of decolonising Asians from the western yoke. There are some who still believe it so. Though, the majority, including the government of South Korea, contend the historical facts on sexual slavery and forced labour by the Japanese military and corporations. However, for those victimised in the people's uprisings and in human rights abuses inflicted in the past, both governments – the Japanese and the South Korean – are one and the same: abusers.

And, this is why it is important for the public to remember, recognise, acknowledge, and appreciate those who struggle for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law – both inside and outside the system. In the end, they will get endless support from the public at large.

History still proves this.

[Editorial] An investigation where even the Blue House must not be sacred

Sewol victims’ families and supporters holding sympathy hunger strikes bow toward the Blue House from Gwanghwamun Square after a press conference, Sept. 2. They had attempted to march to the Blue House to present a petition with 4.85 million signatures calling for the truth about the Sewol tragedy to be revealed, but were blocked by police after walking only 20m. (by Kim Seong-gwang, staff photographer)

“When the Sewol families demand a special prosecutor, what they’re really saying is that they want to investigate us and the Blue House, right?” Joo Ho-young, policy committee chief for the Saenuri Party (NFP) was speaking during the third meeting between floor leaders of the Saenuri Party and representatives from the Sewol Victims’ Family Committee. The talks, which were held on Sep. 1, broke down after just thirty minutes.

No comment has shown the ruling party’s true attitude in the negotiations over the special Sewol Law as clearly as this one. This single sentence articulates why progress toward passing the law has been so slow, as well as which side is truly to blame.

As the deadlock over the special Sewol Law continues, certain segments of South Korean society are criticizing the bereaved families for demanding too much. They scold the families for their lack of trust and even urge them to just give the government and the Saenuri Party a chance.

But the remark by the Saenuri Party’s chief of policy confirmed that there is a legitimate reason for this mistrust. On a superficial level, the dispute over passing the special Sewol Law has to do with the judiciary, but the crux of the issue is the fact that the Blue House and the Saenuri Party are trying to avoid being investigated.

At this juncture, we have a question for the Saenuri Party: is there any reason why the ruling party and the Blue House should not be investigated? Carrying out an investigation where nothing is sacred is undeniably the right course of action. If there is anyone who does not agree that we should carry out a meticulous investigation into the causes and actions that dragged our precious sons and daughters beneath the waves before our very eyes, they are not a real citizen of this country. But rather than pushing for an investigation that treats nothing as sacred, the Saenuri Party’s current motivation in the negotiations for the special Sewol Law is to repaint the lines marking what is out of bounds.

If that is the Saenuri Party’s genuine motivation, they should at least not pretend that the deadlock over the special Sewol Law is being caused by inappropriate political intentions of the bereaved families. If we are going to talk about political intentions, it is the Saenuri Party that is being too political, as it is considering little else than the political fallout for itself and the Blue House.

In fact, it would be quite simple to clear up the chaos surrounding the special Sewol Law. If President Park would come forward and declare that she and everyone else in the government connected with the tragedy would submit to an investigation regardless of their rank and position, it would all be wrapped up easily.

As the highest leader of a country - and as a president who feels responsible for a national disaster of this magnitude - it is only right for Park to act with this kind of magnanimity. Such a declaration would do more than simply clearing the way for legislating the special Sewol Law. It would also be an excellent opportunity to lead South Korean society to the next stage of harmony and unity.

But it is pointless to even expect this sort of thing from President Park Geun-hye. After instructing the Saenuri Party to run interference for her, Park has remained silent. During the video cabinet meeting that took place on Sept. 2, she did not make a single mention of the special Sewol Law.

There is not much time left before Chuseok, Korea’s harvest festival and most important holiday. Despite this, there are hardly any signs that the Blue House and the Saenuri Party will have a change of heart. We already feel a heavy sense of gloom that this is going to be the most depressing Chuseok ever.

　

Please direct questions or comments to [english@hani.co.kr]

South Koreans really, really don’t trust their government

Especially after the Sewol ferry sinking, crackdowns on poetry-wielding protesters have provoked suspicions.

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National Intelligence Service

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North Korea

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Saenuri Party

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Folks like these apparently don't appreciate poetry. (Chung Sung-Jun/Getty Images)

SEOUL, South Korea — Menacing battalions of police, wearing neon yellow uniforms and carrying anti-riot shields, regularly march through the South Korean capital, at times showing up en masse to small and harmless protests.

In Gwanghwamun Square, a government district and popular rally spot, an army of riot police recently put up an unusually colossal blockade. Traffic was halted and sidewalks were obstructed to prevent the advance of a mass demonstration of, well, poetry readings and memorial songs for victims of the Sewol ferry sinking.

Were they North Korea sympathizers?

Certainly not.

Looters and hooligans?

Hardly.

Rather, the event revealed the incredibly low trust that the South Korean government places in its people — and the extent to which its people return the favor. The thousands of demonstrators were suddenly halted on the final stretch of a peaceful two-day rally, while demanding a parliamentary investigation into the disaster that killed close to 300 people.

About 600 bereaved family members of the victims — many of them high school students — joined the march. But it ended in a scuffle when demonstrators tried to break through police lines, injuring several people.

So why the paranoia over demonstrations in this powerful and stable democracy, where free speech hardly poses an existential threat to peace, order and the rule of law? South Korea, after all, has swiftly climbed the ladder out of poverty, sustaining democratic rule on a continent replete with despots.

Just 27 years ago, however, it was a hard-nosed dictatorship. Fears of the government continuing to overstep its authority are alive and well, thanks to an unending raft of political scandals in recent years. Those include revelations that the National Intelligence Service secretly ran an online propaganda campaign to get the current president, the daughter of the country’s longest-serving dictator, elected in 2012.

A United Nations report released on July 24 found that South Koreans’ trust in their government was lower than nearly all countries studied. The Asian nation was more distrustful than Iraq, Ukraine, and Nigeria.

This is apparently nothing new. In his 1995 book "Trust: The Social Virtues and The Creation of Prosperity," political scientist Francis Fukuyama similarly paints South Korea as a “low-trust” society, along with Italy and France.

The consequences?

Dysfunctional politics, excessive state interventions, and a problematic economy. “High-trust societies,” he argues, include the likes of Germany and the US.

Indeed, South Korean police have long resisted outside questioning, and a few government ministries have a reputation for ducking the simplest of inquiries. When asked by GlobalPost about the massive sidewalk and road cordon, three officers declined to comment. A spokesman from the National Police Agency similarly did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

One officer, who would not give his name, finally told news site Asian Correspondent that the protest was illegal simply because it was blocking traffic — even though the police were actually the ones jamming the roads.

“If blocking the vehicular traffic was a problem, the police would have blocked the march earlier,” said Kyung-sin Park, a law professor at Korea University in Seoul. “Interfering with the cars was clearly not the reason for the police blockade because the police blockade covered pedestrian strips as well.”

This type of confrontation is not uncommon.

In April, just two weeks after the Sewol tragedy, police halted family members who chartered a bus to Seoul to present their grievances to President Park Geun-hye. Last December, more than 4,000 officers swept the headquarters of a prominent labor union simply to arrest a handful of railway strike leaders.

Many South Koreans are happy to match the government’s lack of trust, stirring up conspiracy theories and hurling irrational criticisms at authorities, sometimes for events out of their control.

In July, when police said they had found the decomposed body of the ferry operator owner Yoo Byung-eun in a plum orchard, they were greeted with wild attacks from civic groups, who asked why it took six weeks to identify the nation’s most-wanted fugitive.

Some conspiracy theorists believed the Park administration, which has seen a dip in approval ratings since the ferry disaster, used the announcement to distract attention from acontroversial health-care privatization bill. On July 30, the ruling Saenuri Party won an unexpected landslide in midterm elections.

But others complain that the emotional distrust and conspiracy mongering can get mind-numbing. “In this untrustworthy society, having a rational mentality does not make sense at all,” said Boryung Lee, 32, a housewife in Seoul. “If somebody is [mentally] healthy, there is no way to go but crazy.”

http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/asia-pacific/south-korea/140731/south-koreans-really-do-not-trust-government