Time to ponder how to rectify chaebol system
The Fair Trade Commission released a chart Monday, which illustrates
the shareholding structure of 63 family-controlled conglomerates and their
subsidiaries. The diagram, which appears even more complicated than the Seoul
subway map, drew attention to two things: how these families dominate huge
corporate empires with limited equity, and whether and how long Korea should let
the chaebol system continue as it is.
According to the antitrust agency,
the equity share of chaebol owners has dropped below 1 percent for the first
time, but the ``intra-family” equity ― those held by family members, relatives,
affiliated firms and board members ― rose to 55.7 percent, the highest level in
the past two decades.
What this signifies is simple: the efforts of
successive governments, except probably the current one, to rein in chaebol’s
economic power succeeded outwardly but failed inwardly, because their industrial
might has grown even stronger than before the 1997-98 financial
crisis.
Elections or not, it is long past time for the nation to
seriously think about whether it should continue to leave the entire economy in
the hands of a few dozen families and their vassals.
People who support
the chaebol system, including bureaucrats and economists, say the conglomerates
and their owners are only victims of their hard-won success. They also cite the
swift and bold decision-making process as the decisive advantages over foreign
competitors who have to watch the faces of investors and shareholders before
making even minor decisions. The chaebol supporters brush aside critics as just
envious socialists who don’t understand or ignore free market
principles.
True, the founders of major chaebol, including Samsung,
Hyundai and LG, were entrepreneurs, but many of their children and grandchildren
seem to have inherited only their money, not the spirit of enterprise and
genius. Even the founding fathers’ accomplishments wouldn’t have been possible
without the permitted exploitation of resources, including the people who worked
for them, at the national level. Now many of their grandchildren appear more
interested in amassing assets through financial and other speculative activities
rather than genuine corporate action.
Chaebol families and a handful of
their professional management cannot cope with the rapidly changing industrial
structure of the future which demands enormous creativity and originality. The
increasing economic polarization and deepening estrangement within the rest of
society will also make another industrial leap by Korea difficult, because it
requires social consensus.
All this explains in part why the United
States dissolved about 300 corporate trusts that dominated major industries
about a century ago and has since kept weakening the power of monopolies and
oligopolies through a series of antitrust legislation. Germany and Japan
followed America’s example after World War II sometimes with the help of U.S.
occupiers.
Theories about Korean-style capitalism are as egregious as
Korean-style democracy. What’s keeping the nation from transitioning from
economic feudalism to advanced capitalism are the vested interests of chaebol
and their parasites in all sectors of society ― politicians, bureaucrats, judges
and journalists.
Koreans should start again what their industrial
counterparts underwent a century ago. Whoever occupies Cheong Wa Dae in 2013
should ensure this occurs.
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